Eternal Social War: A Theory of Social Forces
[T]he things that we do together with others do not simply add up… specialization and association bring about the formation of unity-collectivities, social beings with qualities, strengths and perhaps even ideas that arise from the combination and unification of Shawn P. Wilbur, Constructing an Anarchism: Collective Force
So, given the shortcomings and internal contradictions of a planning, top-down, revolutionary approach to anarchism, what is the alternative? What is this general social theory I have been hinting at? That is what I want to discuss in this essay. Keep in mind that this social theory is not total: it does not encompass all of the forces and processes at work in social life, let alone psychological life. It cannot predict all that occurs in society, and will always be effected and modified by things outside itself. Furthermore, it is not a mathematical or praxeological proof, nor is it meant to be a grand system. It is a theory based on my understanding of the social dynamics of human beings, how they tend to act and react, and what effect that has on everyone else, gleaned from a practical, intuitive process of observation of the world and of history and a synthesis of political theory. This is, in effect, my attempt to take it or leave it. I think it is very correct, perhaps even strikingly so, in broad strokes and particular areas, but if you do not share the same understanding of how humans work than I do, I don't think its worth wasting the pixels, here at least, to try to provide Absolute Proof that you are right and I am wrong. I do have my reasons, and perhaps you'll get a sense of them, but attempting to produce absolute proof is a fool's errand anyway, and giving all the reasons I have would make this essay far too long.
3. Conclusion
To summarize this two part series as a whole: the instinct to plan out the specific norms and institutions of society is a contradictory, dangerous one. The only proper attitude is one of… lassiez-faire, a willingness to let the anarchic encounter play out in all its million forms however it might. But, with that in mind, there are some essential things that we can say about society and the necessary conditions of anarchism; not specific prescriptions of institutions and norms, and so not a social plan, but an analysis of the a social theory.
Although I, like any anarchist, have my pet-favorite norms and individualist anarchist for sure, with a mixture of and have some idea of which norms are likely to prevail and which not under conditions of equality, and some idea of how such a society must be structured in order to ensure social balance, the most I can really say is that such a balance must be achieved for anarchy to be possible. And that any society without such a balance is doomed to drift off into disaster, dragged inexorably down by its own internal contradictions and imbalances, slowly spinning out of control until the center cannot hold and all hell breaks loose.
This seems to be close to the picture of society that Proudhon himself had in mind. A society not explicitly defined by any particular laws or norms, but instead by conditions of balance, the equality of individuals and collectivities, which, through its own reasoning, experience, learning, and responsiveness to needs, would Progress, continually change and adapt, constructing and destroying norms in different places and times as needed to balance the interests of all. To close with a quote:
The "anarchism without adjectives" position was a reaction to this kind of doctrinaire model-building, and the resulting conflicts between the proponents of various totalizing blueprints for society… The basic idea was that anarchists should stop feuding over the specific economic model of a future anarchist society, and leave that for people to work out for themselves as they saw fit. Economic ideas like Proudhon's mutualism, Tucker's individualist free enterprise and Kropotkin's communism were complementary, and in a post-state society a hundred flowers would bloom from one locality, one social grouping, to the next…
Any post-state society will include both individuals and communities adhering to many conflicting ideas of just what "freedom," "autonomy" and "rights" entail. Whatever "law code" communities operate by will be worked out, not as obvious logical deductions from axioms, but through constant interaction between individuals and groups asserting their different understandings of what rights and freedom entail. And it will be worked out after the fact of such conflicts, through the practical negotiations of the mediating and adjudicating bodies within Kevin Carson, Anarchism Without Adjectives.
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Footnotes:
There is a slight amount of circularity here, which I prefigured in "Justice," because the best way to identify an imbalance of power is through an imbalance in how interests are treated, so even though, in "Power and Hierarchy," I was trying to give you a toolkit for identifying power-over without using justice-as-balance, I still had to mention that one of the identifying features of power-over, when not indicated by controlling coercion, is indeed still an imbalance of how interests are treated. I believe this is nevertheless acceptable, because I explain from first principles why if power is balanced it must lead to a balanced treatment of interests, so the link between balance and equality of power is not actually circular, it's just hard to identify independently sometimes.